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Всероссийский молодёжный научный фестиваль “Наука через призму времени”

Студенческое научное общество факультета иностранных языков 25 октября 2014 года провело секцию “Современный дискурс-анализ: мода и традиции”, а наш куратор научно-исследовательской работы студентов Миронова Елена Анатольевна – мастер-класс “Методы лингвистического анализа”.

Секцию открыла Ирина Албутова с исследованием манипулятивных технологий в рекламе.

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Еремеева Светлана презентовала семантическая структуру профессиональных жаргонов английского языка.

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Михалкина Юлия представила коммуникативное событие “Прием гостей” в межкультурном аспекте.

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Мардовина Юлия рассказала о происхождении фразеологизмов русского языка.

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И Клеменова Юлия завершила секцию выступлением “Этноспецифичность русского просторечия”.

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Слушатели выбрали лучшую выступающую, Мардовину Юлию, второе место заняла Албутова Ирина, третье разделили Еремеева Светлана и Михалкина Юлия.

В конкурсе на лучшую статью первое место досталось Еремеевой Светлане, второе – Албутовой Ирине, третье – Михалкиной Юлии.

После подведения итогов Миронова Елена Анатольевна провела мастер-класс “Методы лингвистического анализа”. Участники определили по отличительным чертам письменности, на каких языках написаны предложенные им тексты.


Особенно интересными оказались особенности русского языка, ведь никто из присутствующих до этого не предполагал, что буквы “ы” и “и” могут быть столь значимы.
Погружение в тайны языка было удачным, поэтому и организаторы, и выступающие, и гости мероприятия надеются на интересное продолжение!


Interesting News

Pidgin Language


Pidgins are “on-the-spot” languages that develop when people with no common language come into contact with each other. Nobody speaks a pidgin as their first language. Usually a pidgin language is a blend of the vocabulary of one major language with the grammar of one or more other languages. The major languages are usually the languages of the former major colonial powers, such as EnglishFrench, and Portuguese. For example, the establishment of plantation economies in the Caribbean, with large groups of slaves from different language backgrounds who came from West Africa, gave rise to a number of pidgins based on EnglishFrenchSpanishDutch, and Portuguese. However, there are also pidgins spoken in parts of Africa, South America, and southeast Asia that are based on languages other than those of the colonial powers. A good example of a non-European pidgin is the Chinook Jargon that was once used by American Indians and European traders in the Pacific Northwest.

The term pidgin has nothing to do with birds. The word, first attested in print in 1850, is thought to be the Chinese mispronunciation of the English word business. There are other theories about the origin of the term.

Because of their limited function, pidgin languages usually do not last very long, rarely more than several decades. They disappear when the reason for communication diminishes, as communities either move apart, one community learns the language of the other, or both communities learn a common language (usually the official language of the country). For instance, Pidgin Russian spoken in Manchuria disappeared when Russian settlers left China after World War II. The same is true of Pidgin French which disappeared from Vietnam after the French left the country. However, this is not always the case. Chinese Pidgin English (Chinglish), developed in the 17th century in Canton (Guandong), China,and survived for almost three centuries. Its use spread from master-servant relationships to those between English and Chinese traders and bureaucrats. It continued in use until about the end of the 19th century, when the Chinese started to switch to standard English.

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Initially, and uniquely, a majority of the British colonies in Australia were penal. As they expanded and as free colonies were developed, immigrants using languages other than English were insignificant. Relations with the Aborigines were generally poor and after an initial intake of words from their languages (such as boomerangdingokangarookoalakookaburrawombat) were not conducive to extensive borrowing. The settlers were almost all Anglo-Celtic and geographical isolation was of great importance. The preoccupations of the colonists were the discovery and exploration of a new land, rich in exotic flora and fauna, and pastoral occupations such as raising sheep and cattle under circumstances vastly different from ‘the Old Country’. In the late 20c, however, Australians are predominantly urban and increasingly multicultural. The major areas of lexical growth are international, as in computing and surfing. In the 19c, the situation was the reverse.


The most marked feature of the Australian accent is its homogeneity, with no regional differences as marked as those in BrE and AmE, though recent studies have associated particular phonological characteristics with state capitals. There is, however, a social continuum in which three varieties are generally recognized: Broad AustralianGeneral Australian, and Cultivated Australian. Of these, Cultivated Australian most closely approaches British RP and Broad Australian most vigorously exhibits distinctive regional features. It is generally assumed that the Australian accent derives from the mixing of British and Irish accents in the early years of settlement. However, although most convicts and other settlers came from London, the Midlands, and Ireland, the influence of the original accents cannot be conclusively quantified. The present spectrum was probably established by the early 19c.

The major features of AusE pronunciation are: (1) It is non-rhotic. (2) Its intonation is flatter than that of RP. (3) Speech rhythms are slow, stress being more evenly spaced than in RP. (4) Consonants do not differ significantly from those in RP. (5) Vowels are in general closer and more frontal than in RP, with /i/ and /u/ as in teatwo diphthongized to /əɪ/ and /əʊ/ respectively. (6) The vowel in can’t dance may be /æ/ or /a/. (7) The schwa is busier than in RP, frequently replacing /ɪ/ in unaccented positions, as in boxesdancesdarkest,velvetacid. (8) Some diphthongs shift, RP /eɪ/ towards /ʌɪ/, as in Australia,daymate, and /aɪ/ towards /ɒɪ/, as in highwide. (9) Speakers whose first language is not English or who have a bilingual background (Aboriginal, immigrant) often use sounds and a delivery influenced by the patterns of the first or other language. (10) The name of the letter h is often pronounced ‘haitch’ by speakers wholly or partly of Irish-Catholic background.

Grammar and vocabulary

There are no syntactic features that distinguish standard AusE from standard BrE, or indeed any major non-standard features not also found in Britain, but there are many distinctive words and phrases. However, although AusE has added some 10,000 items to the language, few have become internationally active. The largest demand for new words has concerned flora and fauna, and predominant occupations like stock-raising have also required new terms. Because of this, AUSTRALIANISMS are predominantly naming words: single nouns (mulga an acacia, mullock mining refuse, muster a round-up of livestock), compounds (black camp an Aboriginal settlement, black tracker an Aboriginal employed by the police to track down missing persons, black velvet Aboriginal women as sexual objects, red-back a spider, redfin a fish, red gum a eucalypt), nouns used attributively (convict colony a penal colony, convict servant orconvict slave a convict assigned as a servant).

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Standard English is a controversial term used to denote a form of written and spoken English that is thought to be normative for educated users. There are no set rules or vocabulary for “Standard English” created by a governing body like French. In fact it has been tried in both American and Britain, but all attempts have failed. However, it does have very well defined grammar rules written down in grammar books that you have all studied, and as well, any number of dictionaries that define the languages words and are published all over the world.

However, there are, as usual complications. Many contend that one should rather speak of “standard Englishes“, or “standard English dialects”, given that there are large, distinct English language communities with distinct standards—such as American English and British English.

Another complication is that English has become the most widely used second language in the world, and as such it is subject to the most alteration by non-native speakers, and numerous “non-native dialects” are developing their own standards (those, for example, of English language publications published in countries where English is generally learned as a foreign language). All the English publications printed in Ukraine are an example of this. You are in a sense, creating your own English as well.


Anyway, let’s see how Standardized English fits the categories for a standard language.


Selection: At the end of the 15th century the London dialect had established itself as the dominant one and existed in two versions: a spoken one and a written one. The latter was called Chancery Standard and developed quickly into the dialect which was to become Standard English. Standard English has changed a great deal since then, but it remains the known standard dialect.

Acceptance:The acceptance of the London dialect as the standard, however, is not so much a result of the economic influence of the London merchants, but that of the students who came from all over England to study in Oxford and Cambridge and here adapted the fashionable dialect. This helped the variety to increase its social and geographical mobility. Its employment by the court, as well as its political usefulness in the wake of growing a national consciousness, led to its final adoption as the standard.

Elaboration: As the new standard began to spread into the domains of administration, government and the Church, it became necessary to expand the linguistic means by which this was to be carried out. As a result the vocabulary of Standard English was also expanded.


Codification: The variety of Standard English became increasingly complex and as more people aspired to use this particular variety, there emerged an enormous need to know of what it consisted. Of the early dictionaries probably the best known is that of Samuel Johnson, whose two volume Dictionary of the English Language was published in 1755 and stands at the beginning of a long tradition of dictionaries.


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Briticisms in the United States

Nor did the American troops pick up many Briticisms during their year and a half in France, save temporarily. In an exhaustive and valuable vocabulary of soldiers’ slang compiled by E. A. Hecker and Edmund Wilson, Jr., I can find few words or phrases that seem to be certainly English in origin. To carry on retains in American its old American meaning of to raise a pother, despite its widespread use among the English in the sense of to be (in American) on the job.Even to wangle, perhaps the most popular of all the new verbs brought out of the war by the English, has never got a foothold in the United States, and would be unintelligible to nine Americans out of ten.  
  It is on far higher and less earthly planes that Briticisms make their entry into American, and are esteemed and cultivated. Because the United States has failed to develop a native aristocracy of settled position and authority, there is still an almost universal tendency here, among folk of social pretensions, to defer to English usage and opinion.  The English court, in fact, still remains the only fount of honor that such persons know, and its valuations of both men and customs take precedence of all native valuations. I can’t imagine any fashionable American who would not be glad to accept even so curious an English aristocrat as Lord Reading or Lord Birkenhead at his face value, and to put him at table above a United States Senator. This emulation is visible in all the minutiæ of social intercourse in America—in the hours chosen for meals, in the style of personal correspondence, in wedding customs, in the ceremonials incidental to entertaining, and in countless other directions. It even extends to the use of the language.  We have seen how, even so early as Webster’s time, the intransigent Loyalists of what Schele de Vere calls “Boston and the Boston dependencies” imitated the latest English fashions in pronunciation, and how this imitation continues to our own day. New York is but little behind, and with the affectation of what is regarded as English pronunciation there goes a constant borrowing of new English words and phrases, particularly of the sort currently heard in the West End of London. The small stores in the vicinity of Fifth avenue, for some years past, have all been turning themselves into shops.Shoes for the persons who shop in that region are no longer shoes, but boots, and they are sold by bootmakers in bootshops. One encounters, too, in Fifth avenue and the streets adjacent, a multitude of gift-shops, tea-shops, haberdashery-shops, book-shops, luggage-shops, hat-shops and print-shops. Every apartment-house in New York has a trades-men’s entrance. To Let signs have become almost as common, at least in the East, as For Rent signs. Railway has begun to displace railroad.  Charwoman has been adopted all over the country, and we have begun to forget our native modification of char, to wit, chore. Long ago drawing-roomwas borrowed by the haut ton to take the place of parlor, and hired girls began to be maids.Whip for driver, stick for cane, top-hat for high-hat, and to tub for to bathe came in long ago, and guard has been making a struggle against conductor in New York for years. In August, 1917, signs appeared in the New York surface cars in which the conductors were referred to as guards; all of them are guards on the elevated lines and in the subways save the forward men, who remain conductors officially. In Charles street in Baltimore, some time ago, the proprietor of a fashionable stationery store directed me, not to the elevator but to the lift.During the war even the government seemed inclined to substitute the English hoarding for the American billboard.  In the Federal Reserve Act it actually borrowed the English governorto designate the head of a bank.   
  The influence of the stage is largely responsible for the introduction and propagation of such Briticisms. Of plays dealing with fashionable life, most of those seen in the United States are of English origin, and many of them are played by English companies. Thus the social aspirants of the towns become familiar with the standard English pronunciation of the moment and with the current English phrases. It was by this route, I suppose, that old top and its analogues got in. The American actors, having no court to imitate, content themselves by imitating their English colleagues. Thus an American of fashionable pretensions, say in Altoona, Pa., or Athens, Ga., shakes hands, eats soup, greets his friends, enters a drawing-room and pronounces the wordspath, secretary, melancholy and necessarily in a manner that is an imitation of some American actor’s imitation of an English actor’s imitation of what is done in Mayfair—in brief, an imitation in the fourth degree. No wonder it is sometimes rather crude. This crudity is especially visible in speech habits. The American actor does his best to imitate the pronunciation and intonation of the English, but inasmuch as his name, before he became Gerald Cecil, was probably Rudolph Goetz or Terence Googan, he frequently runs aground upon laryngeal impossibilities. Here we have an explanation of the awful fist that society folk in Des Moines and Little Rock make of pronouncing the test words in the authentic English manner. All such words are filtered through Gaelic or Teutonic or Semitic gullets before they reach the ultimate consumer.    
  The influence of the Protestant Episcopal Church is also to be taken into account. It was the center of Loyalism during the Revolution, and it has fostered a passionate and often excessive Anglomania ever since. In the larger American cities entrance into it is the aim of all social pushers—including, of late, even the Jews —and once they get in they adopt, in so far as they are able, the terminology of its clergy, whose eagerness to appear English is traditional. The fashionable preparatory schools for boys and finishing schools for girls, many of which are directly controlled by this sect, are also very active centers of Anglomania, and have firmly established such Briticisms as headmaster, varsity, chapel (for the service as well as the building), house-master, old boy, monitor, honors, prefect and form, at least in fashionable circles. The late Woodrow Wilson, during his term as president of Princeton, gave currency to various other English academic terms, including preceptor and quad, but the words died with his reforms. At such schools as Groton and Lawrenceville the classes are called forms, and elaborate efforts are made in other ways to imitate the speech of Eton and Harrow. Dr. J. Milnor Coit, while rector of the fashionable St. Paul’s School, at Concord, N. H., gave a great impetus to this imitation of English manners. Says a leading authority on American private schools: “Dr. Coit encouraged cricket rather than baseball. The English schoolroom nomenclature, too, was here introduced to the American boy. St. Paul’s still has forms, but the removes, evensong andmatins, and even the cricket of Dr. Coit’s time are now forgotten. Most boys of the three upper forms have separate rooms. The younger boys have alcoves in the dormitories similar to thecubicles of many of the English public schools.”   
  Occasionally some uncompromising patriot raises his voice against such importations, but he seldom shows the vigorous indignation of the English purists. White, in 1870, warned Americans against the figurative use of nasty as a synonym for disagreeable. The use of the word was then relatively new in England, though, according to White, the Saturday Review and the Spectatorhad already succumbed. His objections to it were unavailing; nasty quickly got into American and has been there ever since. In 1883 Gilbert M. Tucker protested against good-form, traffic(in the sense of travel), to bargain and to tub as Briticisms that we might well do without, but all of them took root and are perfectly sound American today. The locutions that are more obviously merely fashionable slang have a harder time of it, and seldom gain lodgment. When certain advertisers in New York sought to appeal to snobs by using such Briticisms as swaggerand topping in their advertisements, the town wits, led by the watchful Franklin P. Adams (though he serves the Tribune, which Clement K. Shorter once called “more English than we are English”), fell upon them, and quickly routed them. To the average American of the plain people, indeed, any word or phrase of an obviously English flavor appears to be subtly offensive. To call him old dear would be almost as hazardous as to call him Claude or Clarence. He associates all such terms, and the English broad a no less, with the grotesque Britons he sees in burlesque shows. Perhaps this feeling entered into the reluctance of the American soldier to borrow British war slang.


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The 2nd International Conference on Sociality Culture and Humanities

The 2014 2nd International Conference on Sociality Culture and Humanities – ICSCH 2014, is held during June 22-23, 2014, in Moscow, Russia. ICSCH 2014, aims to bring together researchers, scientists, engineers, and scholar students to exchange and share their experiences, new ideas, and research results about all aspects of Sociality Culture and Humanities, and discuss the practical challenges encountered and the solutions adopted.

The conference is held every year to make it an ideal platform for people to share views and experiences in Humanities, Culture and Sociality and related areas. ICSCH 2014 is the premier forum for the presentation of new advances and research results in the fields of theoretical, experimental, and applied Sociality Culture and Humanities. The conference will bring together leading researchers, engineers and scientists in the domain of interest from around the world.

Topics of interest for submission include, but are not limited to:

* Anthropology

* Business

* Communities and Communications

* Economics, Financial and Industrial Systems

* Environmental studies

* Finance

* Human Rights Development

* Journalism

* Law and Justice

* Management

* Psychology

* Sociology

* Technology and Education

The Keynote Speakers of is Dr. Rimantas Dapkus (Kaunas University of Technology, Lithuania).

Event website: